வியாழன், 23 ஆகஸ்ட், 2012

கூந்தலால் அருந்திறல் ஆற்ற முடியும்.



சொல்கிறார்கள்
 தினமலர்

கூந்தலால் சாதனையும் செய்ய முடியும்! கூந்தல் மூலம் வீர சாகசங்கள் செய்து வரும் ராணி ரெய்க்வார்: பிறந்தது, உ.பி., மாநிலம், ஜான்சி அருகிலுள்ள ஜாஸ்லோம் கிராமம். பொதுப் பணித் துறையில் சாதாரண பணியாளராக இருந்தார், என் அப்பா; ஏழ்மையான குடும்பம். மூத்த சகோதரிக்கு, 11 வயதிலேயே மணம் முடித்தவர்கள், எனக்கும் மாப்பிள்ளை பார்க்க... நானோ, என் அம்மாவுடன், பிரம்மகுமாரி ஆசிரமங்களுக்குச் செல்வதிலேயே, ஆர்வமாக இருந்தேன். ஒரு முறை, ஆசிரமத்தில் நடந்த யாகத்திற்காக மணல் அள்ளுவது, செங்கற்களை கொண்டு வருவது என, அனைவரும் வேலை செய்து கொண்டிருந்தனர். நானும் அதைச் செய்த போது, விளையாட்டிற்காக ஒரு துணியில் ஐந்து செங்கற்களை வைத்து, அதன் இரு முனைகளை, என் இரட்டை ஜடைகளில் கட்டித் தூக்கினேன். நாளடைவில், தள்ளுவண்டியில், 100 செங்கற்களை வைத்து, ஜடையில் கட்டி இழுத்தேன். ஒரு முறை, என் தந்தையின் அலுவலக ஜீப்பை, கூந்தலில் கட்டி இழுத்தேன். இதை பள்ளியில் கூறி, மீண்டும் அதை செய்து காண்பிக்க, என் சாதனையை அனைவரும் பாராட்டினர். எனக்கு பேய் பிடித்திருப்பதாக, கிராம மக்கள் பேசினர். இந்த வதந்தியால், என்னை பள்ளியிலிருந்தும் நீக்கினர். மனம் தளராமல், ஆசிரமத்தின் உறுதுணையுடன், பொது இடத்தில் மினி பஸ்சை தலை முடியால், இழுத்துக் காட்ட, என் சாதனைக்கு உரிய பாராட்டுக்கள் கிடைத்தன. அடுத்தடுத்து, லாரி, விமானம், கப்பல் என, கூந்தலில் கட்டி இழுத்துக் காட்டினேன். எந்த வாகனமாக இருந்தாலும், அதில் கயிறைக் கட்டி, அதன் மறுமுனையை என் ஜடை இரண்டையும் இணைத்து முடிப்பேன். அந்த முடிச்சு அவிழாமல் இருக்க, அதன் மீது ஒரு சிறு துண்டையும் கட்டுவேன். பின், வாகனத்தைப் பார்த்தபடி நின்று, என் இரு கைகளையும் தொடை களில் அழுத்தி, "பேலன்ஸ்' செய்தபடி, மெல்ல பின்னோக்கி நகர, அந்த வாகனமும் என்னை நோக்கி நகரத் துவங்கும். இந்த சாதனை, கின்னஸ் புத்தகத்திலும் இடம் பிடித்துள்ளது.


செந்தூரான் உயிரிழந்தால் அதற்குத் தமிழக அரசுதான் பொறுப்பு. - வைகோ

கரூர் மாநாடு மதிமுகவுக்கு ப் புதிய எழுச்சியை உருவாக்கும் :வைகோ



 கரூர், ஆக. 22: இந்திய அரசியலில் மதிமுகவுக்கு புதிய எழுச்சியை உருவாக்கும் வகையில், கரூர் மாநாடு அமையும் என்றார் மதிமுக பொதுச் செயலர் வைகோ.  கரூரில் செப்டம்பர் 15 ஆம் தேதி திராவிட இயக்க நூற்றாண்டு விழா மற்றும் மதிமுக மாநாடு நடைபெற உள்ளது. இதையொட்டி, சேலம் - கரூர் சாலையில் மாநாடு நடைபெறவுள்ள இடத்தை புதன்கிழமை பார்வையிட்ட பின்னர், செய்தியாளர்களுக்கு அவர் அளித்த பேட்டி:  கரூரில் செப்டம்பர் 15-ல் நடைபெறவுள்ள மதிமுக மாநாட்டுக்கு கிளியநல்லூர் இரா. நடராஜன் பெயரும், மாநாட்டுப் பந்தலுக்கு கரூர் சாமியப்பன் பெயரும், நுழைவுவாயிலுக்கு தொழிற்சங்கவாதி மூர்த்தி பெயரும் சூட்டப்படும். இந்த மாநாட்டில் தமிழகத்தில் பூரண மதுவிலக்கை அமல்படுத்த வேண்டும், கூடங்குளம் அணுமின் நிலையத்தை மூட வேண்டும், விவசாயிகளின் உரிமைகள், மீனவர்கள் உரிமைகள் பாதுகாக்கப்பட வேண்டும் போன்றவற்றை வலியுறுத்தியும், தமிழகத்தின் நீராதாரங்களை தடுக்கும் அண்டை மாநிலங்களை கண்டிக்காத மத்திய அரசைக் கண்டித்தும் தீர்மானங்கள் நிறைவேற்றப்படும்.  கரூர் மாநாடு இந்திய அரசியலில் மதிமுகவுக்கு புதிய எழுச்சியை ஏற்படுத்தும். திராவிட இயக்கத்தை எதிர்ப்பவர்களுக்கு பதில் சொல்லும் வகையில் இந்த மாநாடு அமையும். 
 பூந்தமல்லி அகதிகள் முகாமில் உண்ணாவிரதமிருந்து வரும் செந்தூரான் உயிரிழந்தால் அதற்குத் தமிழக அரசுதான் பொறுப்பு. இலங்கைத் தமிழர் பிரச்னையில் சரியான அணுகுமுறையை பின்பற்றி வரும் தமிழக அரசு, இந்தப் பிரச்னையிலும் அதேபோன்று அணுகுமுறையை பின்பற்ற வேண்டும் என்றார் வைகோ. பேட்டியின் போது, ஈரோடு மக்களவை உறுப்பினர் அ. கணேசமூர்த்தி, மாவட்டச் செயலர் பரணிமணி உள்ளிட்டோர் உடனிருந்தனர்.

புதன், 22 ஆகஸ்ட், 2012

Malathy’s ‘Fleeting Moment’ a testimonial to earned sovereignty of Eezham Tamils

Malathy’s ‘Fleeting Moment’ a testimonial to earned sovereignty of Eezham Tamils

[TamilNet, Monday, 20 August 2012, 21:55 GMT]
As a first hand written account of a diaspora Tamil who lived and worked for over four years in civilian institutions in the de facto state of the Eezham Tamils, N. Malathy’s “A fleeting moment in my country: The last years of the LTTE de-facto state” bears witness to how the sovereignty earned through the conduct of the struggle of the Eezham Tamils was denied by world powers, leading to the Mu’l’livaaykkaal massacre. A literature of ‘lived experience’ of one who stayed in Vanni for 4 years working with civilian institutions like NESoHR, women and child organizations, and later spending over 4 gruelling months in the Manik farm detention camps, the book should elicit interest not just from Tamils world over, but also academics, activists, feminists, journalists and those interested in studying social life under a political struggle against genocide.

‘Fleeting moment’ is published by US based Clarity Press, with a foreword from Indian academic and social justice activist Radha d’Souza.

Dedicated “for those who struggled”, the elegantly written book, in simple language, gives readers an idea of life in Vanni, positive social transformations happening under the de facto state, and their attempts to create an egalitarian society – points glossed over by other media reporting on the conflict.

While other writers who have picked on the Eezham Tamils’ issue after the Mu’l’livaaykkaal massacre have reduced it to one of minority rights, human rights abuses and war crimes of both sides, N. Malathy’s account of the de facto state of the Eezham Tamils and the brutal way in which it was crushed places the national liberation struggle of the Eezham Tamils in the context of global injustice that led to the May 2009 genocide.

Book Cover
Book Cover
Speaking to TamilNet about her book, Ms. Malathy said "Struggle for justice invariably alters the base culture. So did the long Tamil Eelam struggle. Its crystallization was the Vanni society during the last years of LTTE. My four years experience in Vanni also gave me a unique opportunity to see firsthand the devastating truth about the ways of the powerful on this globe - about which I and many other Tamils have puzzled over for many years. For us Tamils of Tamil Eelam it is a new source of power through knowing. It is also our proud history."

In the foreword linking the content of Malathy’s book to trends in global injustice, Dr. d’Souza writes “The peace process prepared an international climate of opinion favourable to the military operation by discrediting the Tamil claim for the right to a homeland and by putting organised Tamil resistance on hold,” concluding that “As one of the most significant movements since the end of the Vietnam War the Tamil struggle merits deeper analysis.”

Staying in Vanni from March 2005 to March 2009 primarily involved in NESoHR, documenting atrocities against the Eezham Tamils and working with the Peace Secretariat, Malathy, a member of the Eezham Tamil Diaspora and a naturalised New Zealand citizen, also had experience working with destitute and war-affected children and reintegration of child soldiers into mainstream society through civilian institutions set-up in the de facto state of the LTTE.

Noting that one in 300 children had lost both parents in the Tamil homeland even in 2004, Malathy referred to how centres for destitute children were referred to as ‘children’s homes’ and not orphanages.

“The childcare provided in these child institutions, despite poor resources, was very impressive. I was impressed by the dedication of the caregivers. When these caregivers discussed individual children, they became emotional when talking about the child’s background and ecstatic when they listed the child’s achievements,” she writes, crediting the LTTE for bringing about a social transformation in Vanni where the care of those rendered without family by the Sri Lankan state’s war on the Tamils was taken on as a collective social responsibility.

While there was a near complete absence of child abuse in LTTE run children homes, in comparison to those in the rest of the island or the west, the author laments the reluctance of international agencies that criticized child soldiers to recognize the same.

Special attention was shown by Tigers’ administration for the smooth and efficient functioning of children homes for girls and boys, Chegnchoalai and Arivuchchoalai respectively, and the care they took not to involve children from these institutions in combat is explained.

The gap between trends in the UN on the ‘child soldier’ issue and the political culture on the ground is explained clearly in the book. Despite the obvious injustice in the Optional Protocol on Children in Armed Conflict of 2001 allowing states to recruit below the age of 18 while denying the same to ‘non-state actors’, and the treatment of the LTTE as the latter group, the Tigers, especially with the efforts of the then political head SP Thamilchelvan, went out of their way to reintegrate cadres below the specified age in normal society. This included, Malathy notes, punishments to LTTE members who flouted this rule.

Independence of NESoHR as a civilian body is shown to the reader through examples of the organization handled complaints against the LTTE and with the author also recalling a few practice-related differences of opinion between the LTTE and NESoHR.

A crucial issue mentioned in the book is the importance of documentation. The author notes that many of the statistical records and some vital reports on issues including demographic changes in the Tamil homeland have been lost in the course of Sri Lanka’s war on the Tamil people.

The author observes how even as early as 2004-2005, thousands of people participating in the ‘Pongkuthamizh’ events in Vanni urged the international community to heed their call for an sovereign state.

“These shows clearly demonstrated to the international community that was brokering the peace process the level of support among the people for an independent Tamil Eelam. The shows also indirectly created awareness among the Tamils of the tardiness of the international conduct of the peace process.”

The patronizing attitude of peace-brokers, who would eventually tilt the balance in Sri Lanka’s favour, towards those in the de facto state’s civilian machinery is described in detail, with the author taking pains to note how SLMM’s, international media and organizations like HRW were keen to blow out of proportion flaws on the side of the LTTE.

The chapter ‘Women’s liberation Vanni-style’ should be of interest to scholars in gender studies in South Asia. While a trend in mainstream ‘feminist’ academic circles following the Radhika Coomaraswamy elitist coterie perceive of women in the LTTE as “cogs in the wheel”, Malathy tries to bring out a picture of them as active agents of social change, while also objectively looking at the extents and limits of LTTE’s challenge to patriarchal restrictions in Tamil society.

Women’s issues in Vanni, which was one of the areas that the author was interested in as she went to Vanni and the socio-psychological reasons for women joining the LTTE have been concisely explained. It is hoped that the author shall dwell on these topics with more details and examples in the near future for the benefit of interested readers.

Malathy also briefly highlights the evolution of societal institutions like IT education services, bookshops and libraries, fine arts, health care, disability services, judicial bodies, banking etc during the ceasefire period, showing how the de facto state was trying to create a normal society with humane living standards, even while managing a war affected population during a standoff against a genocide intending Sri Lankan state.

Narrating the horrors she heard and witnessed from the breakdown of the ceasefire to her internment in Sri Lankan army run Manik farm camps, including massacres and systematic abuses committed on Tamil civilians by the Sinhala army, Malathy also notes the involvement of world powers in the genocide of the Eezham Tamils, arguing that it was important to study the role of the West as regards the LTTE and the Eezham Tamils’ struggle for a sovereign state.

Criticizing western establishments and human rights organizations for lending credibility to a unitary Sri Lankan state even after it conducted an intended campaign of genocide, she writes: “Not long after the final collapse of the LTTE, the International Crisis Group charged that the violence may be reignited because the Tamil Diaspora had not given up the LTTE ideology. This was the charge against a transnational community that had just faced one of the gravest traumas of the century... In fact International Crisis Group has the stated policy of proactively disputing claims for an independent state in only two of the numerous such conflicts in the world. One of the two claims they are against is that of the Eelam Tamils and the other is that of the Kurds.”

Noting how the West denied the Earned Sovereignty of the Eezham Tamils by pursuing “an unbalanced policy of discrediting the LTTE, picking on every slippage in its conduct while ignoring the decades of Lankan government atrocities to which the LTTE was reacting”, she contends that Tamils need to grasp this interdependent global politico-military-economic sphere and its influence on their struggle.

A Tamil version of the book will be published by Vidiyal Pathippakam in Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu by the end of this year.

Chronology:


External Links:
Clarity Press: A Fleeting Moment in My Country - N. Malathy

Land appropriation by Colombo in Trincomalee district goes unabated

Land appropriation by Colombo in Trincomalee district goes unabated

[TamilNet, Monday, 20 August 2012, 04:34 GMT]
In the latest land appropriation of the Colombo government to change the demography of the Trincomalee district, 94 Tamil families are forced to lose their properties that are located 9 km off north from Trincomalee city at Iluppaik-ku'lam GS division. The affected families have made representations to the Divisional Secretary who promised that the matter would be brought up to the notice of the SL Government Agent (SLGA) who is a Sinhalese. The SLGA is a retired Major General who is behind the planned appropriation of lands of Tamils in the district to settle down Sinhalese from the South.

The Tamil families have also made representations to the Trincomalee district parliamentarians.

Earlier, such land appropriations had been carried out by the Colombo government under the guise of tourist development and building business complexes along Champoor-Kandy road, Pulmoaddai- Kandy road and Anuradhapura-Kandy road with a view to bring down Sinhalese population to change the demography of the Trincomalee district.

Under the latest move, the Colombo government is appropriating the lands from 6th mile post at Pulmoaddai till the road ends joining with Anuradhapura - Ka'n'niyaa Road.

Tamil villagers have been residing in the area were provided with permits in 1972 by the Department of Land Development documenting that each family was owning an acre.

During the war, the occupying Sri Lanka Army put up a 84-feet width road in 2006. Now the Sri Lanka’s Road Development Authority has taken steps to widen the road further by 25 feet on both sides.

Last Wednesday, Sri Lankan Road Development Authority officials had earmarked the boundary thus appropriating the land now being used by Tamils for their livelihood.

Many of the 94 families are losing quarter or half an acre. Some are losing their whole land and are forced to find alternative site.

Colombo's civil authority officials have not provided any alternative sites to these families thus leaving them on the road.

‘War on the diaspora continues to annihilate idea of Tamil Eelam’: Dr. Sentas

‘War on the diaspora continues to annihilate idea of Tamil Eelam’: Dr. Sentas

[TamilNet, Sunday, 19 August 2012, 18:52 GMT]
“The Sri Lankan conflict is now a transnational war against the Tamil diaspora that enables the continued political repression of political aspirations both in Sri Lanka and abroad,” writes Dr. Vicki Sentas in a chapter published in a recently released book “Counter-Terrorism and state political violence: The ‘war on terror’ as terror”. Dr. Sentas, currently a lecturer in Law, University of New South Wales, Sydney further opines in the chapter titled “One more successful war? Tamil diaspora and counter-terrorism after the LTTE” that the criminalization of political aspirations of the Tamil diaspora and proscription of Tamil organizations only strengthens the cause of the genocide accused Sri Lankan.

Citing systematic Sri Lankan state violence against the Tamils, Dr. Sentas argues that Sri Lankan campaign against Tamil nationalism relies on annihilation and assimilation of Tamil identity, and that repression of Tamil ethnic identity is central to Sri Lanka’s historic practice of state terror.

“Sri Lanka’s state violence was perpetrated under the guise of counterterrorism, with the explicit support of western powers for its military campaign against the LTTE,” she writes, contending that the argument of global counterterrorism is still used to continue the war on the Tamil people, also bringing the Tamil diaspora in its ambit, in an attempt to destroy Tamil nationalist aspirations both in the homeland and abroad.

Criticizing the “counter-insurgency view of violence as incipient in ethno-political identity” in the west, including that of those organizations like ICG, Dr. Sentas notes the fallout of the ban on the LTTE in the west resulted in the criminalization of the diaspora owing to the open-endedness of such penalization of organizations.

“No actual involvement in or conspiracy to commit acts of harm within the proscribing state, or anywhere else, is required to constitute an offence. The offences do not penalise actions at all, but rather relations and connections, both material and affective.”

Book cover: Counter-Terrorism and State Political Violence
Book cover: Counter-Terrorism and State Political Violence
The necessity to criminalize the diaspora as such is even more imperative now for the Sri Lankan government to successfully “consolidate victory over the idea of political self-determination for the Tamils”, since the Eezham Tamils in the island are gagged owing to the anti-democratic penal laws in Sri Lanka that prohibit them from explicitly speaking about self-determination. The scholar further notes that even the demand for Tamil Eelam is taken as extremist.

Proscription of the LTTE carries along with it an unwritten proscription of the demands that the LTTE fought for, sovereign Tamil Eelam. And by virtue of this, the Sri Lankan government and its friends in the establishments target all those campaigning for sovereign Tamil Eelam as pro-LTTE/terrorist/extremist and so.

So while a structural, protracted genocide proceeds in the Tamil homeland, the war on the diaspora is waged, as Dr. Sentas has observed, through proscriptions of Tamil organizations, arm-twisting Tamils to drop demands for sovereignty, and by thrusting solutions within a unitary Sri Lanka on the Tamils.

“In targeting collective Tamil political identity, the global proscription regime is an institutional, structural violence which criminalises diaspora politics and affective connections to the idea of Tamil Eelam,” Dr. Sentas concludes,’ arguing that this atmosphere aiding Sri Lanka’s war on the diaspora also facilitates continued repressions of political freedoms in the island.

“Counter-Terrorism and state political violence: The ‘war on terror’ as terror”, edited by Scott Poynting and David Whyte is available on Routledge publications. The collection of articles on the political and social impacts of counterterrorism includes contributions of Noam Chomsky and John Pilger.

Village, jungle adjacent to Mu’l’livaaykkaal grabbed for Sinhala militarisation

Village, jungle adjacent to Mu’l’livaaykkaal grabbed for Sinhala militarisation

[TamilNet, Sunday, 19 August 2012, 01:27 GMT]
2,500 acres of land by the side of the Nanthik-kadal lagoon, comprising of the village Keappaa-pulavu and nearby jungle, where the last stages of the Vanni war was fought and prohibited weapons were allegedly used against the LTTE by the genocidal Sinhala military, is now permanently grabbed for use of the occupying military, news sources in Vanni said. The grabbed land in Mullaiththeevu district is divided between Sri Lanka’s Army and Air Force and the original villagers of 700 families detained from resettling are forced to accept lands away from their village. After the TESO conference last week, The Hindu, using an interview of Dr. Wikremabahu Karunaratne, tried to soft-pedal the issue of the annihilation of territorial sovereignty of the nation of Eezham Tamils as a mere “Move to gift Tamil resources to MNCs.”

The Hindu’s special correspondent on Tuesday cited Dr. Karunaratne saying that the Sinhalicisation process was a “farce” to gamble with poor Sinhalese masses for their support, but it was only a populist pretext for grabbing the resources of the Tamil people and selling these to alien powers, especially MNCs, without consulting the Tamil people.

But the country of Eezham Tamils in the island witnesses blatant and large scale Sinhala militarisation. Given the extent of Sinhala military colonisation, whether the New Delhi establishment, its media organs and the MNCs cited, consider the Sinhala military as their ‘industrial security force’ in the country of Eezham Tamils, while genocidal Sri Lanka considers the militarisation an effective prelude to demographic annihilation of the nation of Eezham Tamils, ask new generation political activists in Vanni.

According to Dr. Karunaratne cited by The Hindu, a separate Eelam is advisably not an immediate option since efforts to foster unity had not been exhausted. What kind of unity is anticipated by making Tamil civilians to accept living permanently with the genocidal Sinhala military that sucks them in every respect, questioned the political activists.

Dr Karunaratne was right in saying that a UN probe would not serve the purpose beyond a point, since the UN was run by global powers and Mr. Rajapaska had their support. What should be deduced is that only people’s action bringing in constrains to the interests of those who now back Rajapaksa and the Sri Lankan state could bring in justice. The Hindu feature invites Tamil Nadu to perform the role of convincing Sri Lanka supporters inside India, the activists further said.

Keappaapulavu and the airstrip of the LTTE
The locality of Keappaapulavu and the former airstrip of the LTTE


The village Keappaa-pulavu is now completely grabbed for the use of SL military. The village has Nanthik-kadal lagoon on one side and the roads from Puthukkudiyiruppu to Mu’l’lyava’lai and to Oddusuddaan on the other sides.

The densest strip of forestland in the division is found near the village and that too has been grabbed.

The village and the forest strip located just outside of Mu’l’livaaykkaal, was a centre of activities during the war. The LTTE had an airstrip and other facilities in the forest. The underground accommodation now shown to Sinhala ‘tourists’ as the personal facility of the LTTE leader, Mr. Pirapaharan, is also located in the forest.

During the last months of the war the LTTE fighters destroyed a missile base of the SLA in the locality.

Even after clearing a part of Mu’l’livaaykkaal for resettlement, where the resettled few families are now treated like slaves by the Sinhala military, the Keappaa-pulavu area was completely prohibited for any entry or resettlement.

It is to retain this tract as the central base for the occupying military, many other adjacent parts of the Puthukkudiyiruppu division are not yet released, local sources said.

Last week, the villagers of Keappaa-pulavu, currently living in camps or with friends and relatives, conducted a special pooja at the Ka’n’nakai Amman temple at Vattaap-pazhai to get their village and lands back to them.

But the 591th division of the SL military and the SL Air Force have decided to permanently grab 2,500 acres of the area for their use. Permanent structures for the military are also being built in the area.

To hoodwink the people and the outside world, Colombo has started showcasing allotment of land for the people of the village in some other adjacent but remote part of the area.

On Friday, SL officials of Mullaiththeevu district secretariat went to allocate new lands for the villagers.

The secretariat officials are not prepared to officially confirm the on-going scheme.

* * *


The Sinhala military is engaged in large-scale and highly planned land grab in the other districts too: HSZ in Jaffna, Muzhangkaavil in Ki’linochchi, Kanakaraayan-ku’lam in Vavuniyaa, Channaar in Mannaar and now Keappaa-pulavu in Mullaiththeevu. Besides, there are several hundreds of other bases and camps.

Eezham Tamils have to indefinitely live side by side with the genocidal Sinhala military, if the ‘reconciliation’ agenda and internationalised LLRC implementation by Washington and New Delhi are tolerated, Tamil political activists said.

The Hindu citing Dr. Karunaratne that “the idea of self-determination is there and we can go for a referendum on these issues,” should not be a pre-emption to facilitate structural genocide through Sinhala militarisation and LLRC implementation, the activists further said.

After an earlier refusal, Dr. Karunaratne was given with Indian visa to participate the TESO conference when he announced to the media in advance on what he wanted to present at the conference and that was on upholding the LLRC implementation, a joint agenda of Washington and New Delhi.

The Eezham Tamil participants were not given with visa and were made either to announce cancellation saving embarrassment or to sulk and remain silent.

Vanni ‘development’ meeting held without elected representatives

Vanni ‘development’ meeting held without elected representatives

[TamilNet, Saturday, 18 August 2012, 19:26 GMT]
Vanni district Tamil National Alliance (TNA) parliamentarians were not invited for the Vanni District Development Committee which was chaired by Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa and held on Friday at Vavuniyaa District Secretariat.

Several SL ministers including Douglas Devananda, Rishard Badurdeen and Rajitha Senaratne, SL Government Agents of Vavuniyaa and Mannaar, Divisional Secretaries, heads of local authorities and non-governmental organizations attended the meeting.

Vavuniyaa town and its suburbs were put under red alert by the occupying Sri Lankan forces.

People affected by mini-cyclone in Batticaloa seek humanitarian assistance

People affected by mini-cyclone in Batticaloa seek humanitarian assistance

[TamilNet, Saturday, 18 August 2012, 17:57 GMT]
War-displaced and ‘resettled’ people of three villages in Poaratheevup-pattu division of Batticaloa district complain that they have not received proper assistance after they were struck by a mini-cyclone four days ago on 14 August. 73 houses were affected. Of these 21 houses were fully destroyed. Totally 256 people belonging to 73 families have been affected, according to Mr. Vilvaratnam, the divisional secretary of Poaratheevup-pattu.

The villages of Palaach-choalai, Aanai-kaddiya-ve'li and Paalaiyadi-vaddai have been affected by the mini cyclone.

These villages were entirely displaced during the war and resettled in their villages in 2007.

Most of the families were dependent on the income from fruit trees such as mango, jack and banana, and from the income they were generating through hens farms at their houses, which have been destroyed in the mini-cyclone.

The affected people seek assistance from humanitarian agencies to restore their houses and their livelihood, local NGO activists who visited the affected people told media.

In the meantime, heavy winds have fully destroyed 15 houses at Pullumalai and Koappaa-ve'li in Ea'raavoorpattu division of the district. 87 houses have sustained damage according to monitoring official Shanmugaraj Inparajan.

Mini Cyclone in Batticaloa
Mini Cyclone in Batticaloa
Mini Cyclone in Batticaloa
Mini Cyclone in Batticaloa

SL military grabs disabled people's land in Ki'linochchi

SL military grabs disabled people's land in Ki'linochchi

[TamilNet, Saturday, 18 August 2012, 17:29 GMT]
The occupying Sri Lanka Army (SLA) in Ki'linochchi district has instructed the Sri Lankan Government Agent (SLGA) of the district to permanently hand over 6 acres of lands already encroached by the 65-2 division of the SLA at Aanaivizhunthaan-ku'lam GS area of Karaichchi division. The land, which is owned by a rehabilitation organisation for disabled persons, is located 10 km southwest of Ki'linochchi town.

The facility was functioning before the war with a technical training centre for disabled people and a secretariat of the organisation in the land, which has been grabbed by the SLA.

The SLA has been refusing to hand over the lands to the disabled people's rehabilitation organisation, despite the repeated appeals made by the organisation.

Now, the SLGA of the Ki'linochchi district has been instructed by the top brass of the SLA to hand over the lands permanently to the SLA, informed sources at the District Secretariat of Ki'linochchi told TamilNet.

Tamil trader narrowly escapes murder in Vanni

Tamil trader narrowly escapes murder in Vanni

[TamilNet, Friday, 17 August 2012, 23:16 GMT]
A 44-year-old Tamil trader narrowly escaped from a killer squad that came in motorbikes and fired at him after calling him to come out of his residence at Tha'n'neer-oottu in Mu'l'liyava'lai Thursday around 9:30 p.m. The attackers escaped through the military checkposts manned by the occupying Sri Lanka Army soldiers as the people from the area gathered at the site after hearing the shouting of the victim.

The victim, P. Giritharan, managed to run away from the killers after receiving a gunshot wound in one of his thighs, news sources in Mullaiththeevu said.

Mr Giritharan is admitted at Mullaiththeevu government hospital.

Residents of Tha'n'neer-oottu suspect that the SL military has begun deploying killer squads in the district.