Fein லேபிளுடன் இடுகைகளைக் காண்பிக்கிறது. அனைத்து இடுகைகளையும் காண்பி
Fein லேபிளுடன் இடுகைகளைக் காண்பிக்கிறது. அனைத்து இடுகைகளையும் காண்பி

சனி, 9 மார்ச், 2013

U.S. judges, Fein in oral legal battle

U.S. judges, Fein in oral legal battle over war-crimes immunity

[TamilNet, Saturday, 09 March 2013, 00:35 GMT]
United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia circuit judges, Friday 10:00 a.m., engaged with Tamil plaintiffs' attorney in what appeared as an intense and gripping legal battle to decide whether the "Head of State Immunity," as presumed to apply under U.S. Common Law, is trumped by the narrowly tailored Torture Victims Protection Act (TVPA), a statute that allows victims to bring a legal action on "an individual" who committed torture and/or extrajudicial killing in the Manoharan et al v. Rajapakse appeal. United States Department of Justice (DoJ) attorney argued suggesting immunity for Sri Lanka's President Rajapakse, and Patton Boggs, a D.C. Law firm representing Rajapakse, played a minor supplementary role to DoJ attorneys, in filing legal motions, and in the oral argument.
Judge Merrick Garland
Judge Merrick Garland
Judge Brett Kavanaugh
Judge Brett Kavanaugh
Judge Janice Brown
Judge Janice Brown
The Appellate judges Merrick Garland and Brett Kavanaugh, and the generally silent Judge Janice Brown, allowed Plaintiff-Appellant attorney Bruce Fein to continue for nearly 25 minutes exceeding the allotted time of 10 minutes in the back and forth exchange on the legal applicability of "Head of State immunity" to Rajapakse crimes.

Judges Garland and Kavanaugh leaned heavily on the Supreme Court opinion on Samantar (Samantar v. Yousuf, 130 S. Ct. 2278 (2010)) to argue that the frame work for guiding the Federal Appeals courts such as theirs was based on the dicta from the Supreme Court on the Samantar case.

The following are the two pertinent notes from the Samantar US Supreme Court opinion on which the Judges questions were focused:
    ...Under the common-law doctrine of foreign sovereign immunity, see Schooner Exchange v. McFaddon, 7 Cranch 116, if the State De-partment granted a sovereign’s diplomatic request for a “suggestion of immunity,” the district court surrendered its jurisdiction...

    ...when a statute covers an issue previously governed by the common law, we interpret the statute with the presumption that Congress intended to retain the substance of the common law...

    Judges referred to the "the Defense's contention that the District Court correctly concluded that Congress demonstrated no intent to abrogate nearly two centuries of common law head of state immunity jurisprudence."
Fein, argued that the Congress was very aware of the foreign policy implications of including "Head of States" in being accountable for the narrowly tailored TVPA which refers to torture and extra-judicial killings, and that this was not a sweeping exception to the common law which allowed State Department to intervene in Head of State matters of other types of crimes.

Fein also clarified that the "nearly two centuries of common law immunity," was not strictly correct, and that while the ATCA [Alien Tort Claims Act] is part of the Judiciary Act of 1789, only Filártiga v. Peña-Irala in 1980 offered a new conceptualization of the ATCA, ruling that the statute fell within federal-question jurisdiction and hence allowed cause of action arising from the Statute.

Mitchel Berger of Patton Boggs began the Defendant-Appellee Rajapakse side argument for the allocated 5-minutes. The Judges, in mid-stream, advised that since Mr Berger was drawing on the U.S. Government's discretionary intervention to suggest immunity, acceding his time to the U.S. Government attorney would be more efficient and Mr Berger obliged.

Adam C. Jed, a Yale graduate who studied law at Harvard, and won a Gates Scholarship to study mathematics in Cambridge, UK, then argued for the U.S. Government. Mr. Jed said that the local common law is settled on the Head of State immunity when suggested by the State Department, and asked if the judges had questions on U.S.'s legal position.

Attorneys Adam Butschek and Mark Potkewitz assisted in preparing for the legal argument for the Tamil plaintiffs, Fein said.

Mr Potkewitz commented at the end of the oral argument that the judges appeared averse to go against the U.S. Government and are not likely to extend the exception to the Samantar dicta, and that Judge Garland's suggestion during the argument, that legal decision to add an exception to the common law immunity for international crimes, perhaps, rests with the Supreme Court, indicates where the Court is headed," Potkewitz said.

"We intend to start working immediately on the Writ of Certiorari to the Supreme Court of the United States," Potkewitz said.

Chronology:


External Links:
LAWFARE: TVPA Lawsuit Against Sri Lanka President Dismissed, after Administration Submits Delayed Suggestion of Immunity

ஞாயிறு, 9 டிசம்பர், 2012

Fein: U.S.'s immunity determinations flout due process

Fein: U.S.'s immunity determinations flout due process

[TamilNet, Saturday, 08 December 2012, 14:43 GMT]
In the final legal brief filed with the United States Court of Appeals in the case against Sri Lanka's President Mahinda Rajapakse for civil damages on war-crimes charges, appellants, Dr Manoharan et al.'s attorney Bruce Fein asserts that "[n]either the Constitution, nor the Torture Victim Protection Act (“TVPA”), nor customary international law (“CIL”) crowns the Executive with exclusive authority to determine whether a sitting head of state is immune from a TVPA suit founded on the grisly and universally abhorred crimes of torture or extrajudicial killing under color of foreign law," and argues that the Court should reject the U.S. State Department's contention that "when the Executive speaks on immunity, the judiciary is ousted of jurisdiction to interpret the law, [and that the] Adjudication of the case moves from Article III courts to the Article II President."

No United States Supreme Court decision supports such a startling usurpation by the Executive of the customary duty of the judiciary to interpret the law under the Constitution’s separation of powers, the brief said, pointing to Chief Justice John Marshall's forceful statement in Marbury v. Madison: “It is emphatically the province and duty of the judicial department to say what the law is."

Rajapakse attorneys legal response, as happened in the proceedings in the lower court, depended entirely on the Department of Justice's reassertion of the "suggestion of immunity," to save Rajpakse from criminal charges resulting in civil damages.

Bruce Fein, former US Associate Deputy Attorney General
Bruce Fein, former US Associate Deputy Attorney General
Mahinda Rajapakse
Mahinda Rajapakse (Photo: AP)
Dr Manoharan's Reply brief provides supporting arguments for the appellant's position that militates against providing immunity to Rajpakse from the alleged universional crimes. The brief focuses on the following five legal issues:
  1. Neither the Constitution, nor the Torture Victim Protection Act (“TVPA”), nor customary international law (“CIL”) crowns the Executive with exclusive authority to determine whether a sitting head of state is immune from a TVPA suit founded on the grisly and universally abhorred crimes of torture or extrajudicial killing under color of foreign law.
  2. The TVPA Creates a Cause of Action Against Sitting Heads of State for the Universal Crimes of Torture or Extrajudicial Killing Under Color of Foreign Law.
  3. Supreme Court foreign sovereign immunity decisions concerning in rem actions against foreign government vessels have been misinterpreted and misapplied to confer sitting head of state immunity for unspeakable extrajudicial killings in violation of CIL.
  4. CIL Rejects the Executive’s Optional Sitting Head of State Immunity Power for TVPA Suits Resting on the Universal Crimes of Torture or Extrajudicial Killing.
  5. Unconstitutional Takings. The Supreme Court indicated in Dames & Moore v. Regan, 453 U.S. 654 (1981), that an executive order of the President that extinguished pending legal claims in federal court required payment of just compensation under the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment.
Attorney Adam Butschek and Mark Potkewitz assisted Bruce Fein acting for the Plaintiffs-Appellants. Tamils Against Genocide [TAG], a US-based activist organization which seeks legal redress for Tamil victims of Sri Lanka's civil war, serves as power of attorney for the plaintiffs and is the sponsor of the litigation.

The complaint was filed first in 2011 at the District Court for this case alleged multiple violations of the Torture Victims Protection Act (TVPA) based on Sri Lanka's President Rajapaksa’s command responsibility for the extrajudicial killings of Ragihar Manoharan, the son of Plaintiff Dr. Kasippillai Manoharan, of Premas Anandarajah, a humanitarian aid worker for Action Against Hunger, and husband of Plaintiff Kalaiselvi Lavan, and four members of the Thevarajah family, all relatives of Plaintiff Jeyakumar Aiyathurai.

Chronology:


சனி, 10 மார்ச், 2012

Supreme Court's June ruling can undermine Rajapakse verdict, says Fein

Supreme Court's June ruling can undermine Rajapakse verdict, says Fein

[TamilNet, Friday, 02 March 2012, 01:40 GMT]
Commenting that the District of Columbia District Court’s dismissal of the Torture Victims Protection Act (TVPA) claims by three Tamil plaintiffs against Sri Lanka's President Rajapaksa in his individual capacity for complicity in at least six extra-judicial killings, Bruce Fein, the attorney for the plaintiffs, said that the dismissal was ill-reasoned. Mr Fein added that the ruling is vulnerable to reversal upon an appeal to the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, and that the ruling expected in June on Mohamad v. Palestinian Authority, where the issue is centered around the meaning of the word "individual," may also overturn the ruling on the case against Rajapakse.

Summarizing his view on the Court's ruling, Attorney Fein said, "the District Court ignored the plain language of the TVPA. It created an immunity for sitting heads of state—including Syria’s ruthless President Assad--which defeats a paramount purpose of the TVPA. It surrenders power to the executive to determine the outcome of cases or controversies in violation of separation of powers principles.

"And it tacitly maintains that a criminal prosecution against a sitting head of state for crimes in violation of international law is less an affront to national sovereignty than a civil suit for damages stemming from the identical criminal conduct.

"On the same date the District Court issued its dismissal decision, the United States Supreme Court heard oral argument on a TVPA case in which the Justices voiced great skepticism about departing from the plain meaning of the words “an individual” by imputing inventive unexpressed purposes of Congress. A Supreme Court ruling in that case is expected by June, and could undermine the District Court’s dismissal of the Rajapaksa suit," Fein said.

Mr Fein, when asked if he has recommended any follow-up action to the plaintiffs, said that "we could file a notice of appeal to the Court of Appeals within 30 days, or instead, while allowing the Supreme Court to settle the issue on "the individual," we could consider filing the same charges on the individual(s) next in the line of command to Sri Lanka's President Rajapaksa."

In the case, Mohamad v. Palestinian Authority, the oral arguments of which are being heard by the Supreme Court on whether the Torture Victim Protection Act of 1991 permits actions against defendants that are not natural persons, the entire hour was consumed with Justices and lawyers intensely focused upon how many meanings could be seen in the single word “individual.” Legal observers commented that Justices remained unconvinced in attributing any alternate meaning to the word other its plain meaning.

Chronology:


External Links:
SCOTUS: Mohamad v. Palestinian Authority

திங்கள், 6 பிப்ரவரி, 2012

Fein: TVPA's plain language interpretation negates Rajapakse immunity

Fein: TVPA's plain language interpretation negates Rajapakse immunity

[TamilNet, Sunday, 05 February 2012, 00:52 GMT]
In a forceful rebuttal to the U.S. State Department's suggestion of immunity to Sri Lanka President Rajpakse in the war-crimes charges against him in the case filed in District Court in Washington by three Tamil plaintiffs, Bruce Fein, the attorney for the plaintiffs, said, 'the sitting head of state immunity issue pivots solely on an interpretation of the words “an individual” in the Torture Victim Protection Act (TVPA)," "the plain language of the statute makes no exceptions irrespective of the office an individual might occupy or the circumstances of the crimes universally abhorred," but "[t]he Executive Branch insolently maintains that this Court must obey its directive to dismiss this TVPA case that rests upon universally repugnant crimes in violation of the law of nations," and " [t]o bow to that command would be to permit usurpation of the judicial power by the Executive."

The rebuttal argument was filed with the Court on the 3rd February, and the U.S. State Department is given another 10 days to file a reply to the response.

Mr Fein told TamilNet that the U.S. Justice Department which simply told the judge that suggestion of Immunity is dispositive, ignoring the textual contents of the TVPA, will unlikely put forward any "new" reasoning. "If they do, then he will request the Judge for an opportunity for a "Sur Reply" to respond to any new arguments that Justice Dept. might put forward in the expected 13th February submission," Fein said.


Limits of Executive Power
Fein who routinely gets invited to testify in constitutional questions, drew on his expertise as a Constitutional lawyer to analyze the present case in the context of Justice Robert Jackson view of Executive power in foreign relations in a famous court opinion.mJackson elborated a tripartite analytical scheme for evaluating the President’s claim of constitutional authority in the realm of foreign affairs:
  1. “When the President acts pursuant to an express or implied authorization of Congress, his authority is at its maximum, for it includes all that he possesses in his own right plus all that Congress can delegate.” It is in these circumstances that he can be said to personify federal sovereignty, and his acts would be entitled to the widest latitude of judicial interpretation.
  2. “When the President acts in absence of either a congressional grant or denial authority, he can only rely upon his own independent powers.”
  3. “When the President takes measures incompatible with the expressed or implied will of Congress, his power is at its lowest ebb, for then he can rely only upon his own constitutional powers minus any constitutional powers of Congress over the matter. Courts can sustain exclusive presidential control in such a case only by,disabling the Congress from acting upon the subject. Presidential claim to a power at once so conclusive and preclusive must be scrutinized with caution, for what is at stake is the equilibrium established by our constitutional system.”
Fein argues that the Plaintiffs’ TVPA case falls into Justice Jackson’s category three, where presidential authority is at its nadir.

Fein adds: "Congress declared “an individual” without exception subject to a civil damages remedy for perpetrating despicable crimes in violation of the law of nations. The Executive Branch butts heads with the congressional enactment in this case by demanding an exception for the notorious sitting head of state of Sri Lanka, whose heinous actions epitomize what Congress aimed to deter by enacting the TVPA.

"Unless the TVPA is unconstitutional—which the Executive Branch does not argue—the will of Congress must prevail and the Suggestion of Immunity must be rejected," Fein argues.

Fein concludes his argument asserting that "any system of justice that bestowed immunity on criminally culpable sitting heads of state for the damages inflicted by their crimes of torture or extrajudicial killing in violation of the law of nations would deserve the odium of all civilized peoples," and adding that, "it strains credulity to believe Congress intended to visit such odium on the United States in enacting the TVPA under the banner of human rights."

Chronology:


External Links:
LS: Plaintiffs file opposition to suggestion of immunity in war crimes case against Rajapakse

திங்கள், 19 டிசம்பர், 2011

Rajapakse case, a legal pioneer, reaches historic milestone, says Fein


Rajapakse case, a legal pioneer, reaches historic milestone, says Fein

[TamilNet, Sunday, 18 December 2011, 15:38 GMT]
An historic legal milestone was passed last Friday in the Torture Victims Protection Act (TVPA) lawsuit against Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa for the extra-judicial killings of six Sri Lankan Tamils pending in the United States District Court for the District of Columbia, attorney for the plaintiffs, Bruce Fein said. A lawyer representing President Rajapaksa from the mega-law firm Patton Boggs LLC tacitly acknowledged receipt of the complaint and summons filed by the Plaintiffs in a motion to request the District Court to ask the U.S. Department of State for its views about the lawsuit. "The motion filed by President Rajapaksa formally brings him into the case, where for the first time he will be accountable to the rule of law, not the rule of the jungle," Fein added.

Excerpts from Fein's statement to TamilNet follow:

Bruce Fein, former US Associate Deputy Attorney General
Bruce Fein, former US Associate Deputy Attorney General
Mahinda Rajapakse
"It can be anticipated that Patton Boggs will launch a massive lobbying effort at the State Department and in Congress in hopes of eliciting executive and legislative opposition to the TVPA lawsuit voiced to the United States District Court. The District Judge, however, has the final word irrespective of the President or Congress.

"We urgently need Tamil expatriates' generous support to launch an ambitious counter-campaign to recruit human rights groups, Nobel Peace Prize winners, former State Department officials who headed its human rights bureau, Members of Congress, and the media in favor of litigating the TVPA claims and against any legal immunity for President Rajapaksa.

"This case is a legal pioneer in several respects, and the legal research and analysis to litigate will be challenging. But if we can prevail on the immunity question, then countless other victims of President Rajapaksa’s signature human rights atrocities could file TVPA suits by piggy-backing on our legal victory. Among other things, President Rajapaksa is claiming act of state, sitting head of state, foreign sovereign immunity, political question, and personal jurisdiction defenses.

"We all know that the Lessons Learned and Reconciliation Commission report is a joke to enable President Rajapaksa to escape accountability for his endless human rights crimes. The pending TVPA lawsuit in the United States is our best hope to foil that ignominious escape," Fein told TamilNet.

Chronology:


External Links:
TAG:Tamils Against Genocide

செவ்வாய், 9 ஜூன், 2009

Boyle, Fein charge

Sri Lanka of Genocide

in

Chennai seminar

[TamilNet, Tuesday, 09 June 2009, 02:20 GMT]
Francis Boyle, Professor of International Law at the University of Illinois College of Law, and Bruce Fein, a Washington D.C. Attorney, speaking at a seminar in Chennai organized by the International Tamil Center Monday, reiterated charges of Genocide against the Sri Lanka Government alleging massacre of more than 50,000 Tamil civilians, sources attending the event said. While Prof. Boyle urged India to file charges in International Court against Sri Lanka for violating Geneva conventions, and to stop Colombo "to cease and desist from all acts of genocide against Tamils," Fein stressed the urgent need for the Tamils to reach a "consensus on their political aspirations."

Full text of draft of Prof. Boyle's talk at the seminar follows:

THE RIGHTS OF THE TAMILS LIVING ON THE ISLAND OF SRI LANKA UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW AND PRACTICE


Introduction

There are two basic points I want to make: First, the Tamils living on Sri Lanka have been the victims of genocide. Second, the Tamils living on Sri Lanka have the right to self-determination under international law and practice, including the right to establish their own independent state if they so desire. And the fact that the Tamils living on Sri Lanka have been victims of genocide only strengthens and reinforces their right to self-determination, including establishing their own independent State if that is their desire.

Genocide

Article I of the 1948 Genocide Convention requires all 140 states parties to immediately act in order “to prevent” the ongoing GOSL genocide against the Tamils. One of the most important steps the 140 contracting states parties to the Genocide Convention must take in order to fulfill their obligation under Article I is to sue Sri Lanka at the International Court of Justice in The Hague (the so-called World Court) for violating the 1948 Genocide Convention on the basis of Article IX thereto: “Disputes between the Contracting Parties relating to the interpretation, application or fulfillment of the present Convention, including those relating to the responsibility of a State for genocide or for any of the other acts enumerated in Article III, shall be submitted to the International Court of Justice at the request of any of the parties to the dispute.”

Any one or more of the 140 states parties to the Genocide Convention (1) must immediately sue Sri Lanka at the International Court of Justice in The Hague; (2) must demand an Emergency Hearing by the World Court; and (3) must request an Order indicating provisional measures of protection against Sri Lanka to cease and desist from committing all acts of genocide against the 300,000 Tamils in Vanni. Such a World Court Order is the international equivalent to a domestic temporary restraining order and permanent injunction.

Once issued by the World Court, this Order would be immediately transmitted to the United Nations Security Council for enforcement under U.N. Charter article 94(2). So far the member states of the United Nations Security Council have failed and refused to act in order to do anything to stop the GOSL’s genocide against the Tamils (1) despite the fact that the situation in Vanni constitutes a “threat to the peace” that requires Security Council action under article 39 of the United Nations Charter and (2) despite the fact that they are all obligated “to prevent” Sri Lanka’s genocide against the Tamils under article I of the Genocide Convention. This World Court Order will put the matter on the Agenda of the Security Council and force the Security Council to take action in order “to prevent” the ongoing genocide against the Tamils by Sri Lanka.

Article II of the Genocide Convention defines the international crime of genocide in relevant part as follows:

In the present Convention, genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group such as:

(a) Killing members of the group;

(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;

(c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;

….

Certainly the Sinhala-Buddhist Sri Lanka and its legal predecessor Ceylon have committed genocide against the Hindu/Christian Tamils that actually started on or about 1948 and has continued apace until today and is now accelerating in Vanni in violation of Genocide Convention Articles II(a), (b), and (c).

For the past six decades, the Sinhala-Buddhist Ceylon/Sri Lanka has implemented a systematic and comprehensive military, political, and economic campaign with the intent to destroy in substantial part the different national, ethnical, racial, and religious group constituting the Hindu/Christian Tamils. This Sinhala-Buddhist Ceylon/Sri Lanka campaign has consisted of killing members of the Hindu/Christian Tamils in violation of Genocide Convention Article II(a). This Sinhala-Buddhist Ceylon/Sri Lanka campaign has also caused serious bodily and mental harm to the Hindu/Christian Tamils in violation of Genocide Convention Article II(b). This Sinhala-Buddhist Ceylon/Sri Lanka campaign has also deliberately inflicted on the Hindu/Christian Tamils conditions of life calculated to bring about their physical destruction in substantial part in violation of Article II(c) of the Genocide Convention.

Since 1983 the Sinhala-Buddhist Sri Lanka have exterminated approximately 100,000 Hindu/Christian Tamils. The Sinhala-Buddhist Sri Lanka have now added another 300,000 Hindu/Christian Tamils in Vanni to their genocidal death list. Humanity needs one state party to the Genocide Convention to fulfill its obligation under article I thereof to immediately sue Sri Lanka at the World Court in order to save the 300,000 Tamils in Vanni from further extermination. Time is of the essence!

Self-determination

This gets into the second point that I want to make concerning the Tamils as a group of people living on the Island of Sri Lanka – their right to self-determination under international law and practice. And here I wanted to quote from an international treaty to which the government of Sri Lanka is a party, thus explicitly recognizing that the Tamils living on the Island of Sri Lanka have a right of self-determination. This is from the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which the government of Sri Lanka is a party. They are bound by their own treaty, which says quite clearly in Article One: “All peoples have the right of self-determination.”

And clearly, the Tamils living on the Island of Sri Lanka are a “people.” The Tamils on Sri Lanka have a separate language, race, ethnicity, and religions, from the GOSL. The Tamils see themselves as a separate group of “people” and they are perceived to be such by the GOSL. For that precise reason the GOSL has attempted to exterminate the Tamils and ethnically cleanse their Homeland. So no better proof is needed than that. Both the objective criteria and the subjective criteria for establishing a “people” with a right of self-determination under international law and practice have been fulfilled by the Tamils living on Sri Lanka.

Let me continue enumerating a few more of the most basic self-determination rights of the Tamils living on Sri Lanka under international law that are recognized by this International Covenant that the GOSL is a party to: “By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” Those are rights that the Tamils living on Sri Lanka have today even as recognized by the government of Sri Lanka. Those are group rights and not just individual rights. And those are group rights that must be protected because the government of Sri Lanka has attacked the Tamils as a group, not just as individuals. So, since Tamils have been victims as a group, they must be protected as a group. And one of the most basic rights of all that the Tamils have to protect themselves is this right of self-determination including determining their political status and pursuing their own economic, social and cultural development, as well as the establishment of an independent state of their own if that is what the Tamils decide is required for them to accomplish these objectives.

Another component of this right of self-determination for the Tamils living on Sri Lanka is set forth in paragraph (2) of this Article One of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which the government of Sri Lanka is a party. Notice here I am only using the treaties the GOSL itself is a party to, including the Genocide Convention. I am not citing any principles of international law that the GOSL has not already recognized and indeed violated grievously with respect to the Tamils living on Sri Lanka: “All peoples may, for their own ends, freely dispose of their natural wealth and resources without prejudice to any obligations arising out of international economic cooperation, based upon the principle of mutual benefit, and international law. In no case may the people be deprived of its own means of subsistence.”

Yet we all know for a fact that the GOSL has done everything humanly possible to deprive the Tamil people of their own means of subsistence to a level that now constitutes genocide, in violation of that provision I quoted before from the Genocide Convention prohibiting inflicting on a group conditions of life calculated to bring about their physical destruction in whole or in part. Notice these economic and political rights are related to each other. Both elements of the right to self-determination must protect the Tamils since they have been victims of genocide. We must protect their political rights as well as their economic rights, to freely dispose of their natural wealth and resources. The Tamil people, not the GOSL, must control their traditional Homeland in the North and the East of the Island, their farms, their mines, their plantations, their forests, their waters, their beaches etc. This is critical. Yet today we know that the GOSL is currently in the process of stealing, destroying and negating all these economic and political rights of the Tamils in their traditional Homeland in the North and the East of the Island of Sri Lanka. The GOSL is currently inflicting ethnic cleansing on the Tamils living there.

I have already established that the Tamil people living on Sri Lanka have a right of self-determination, even in accordance with the GOSL’s own treaties themselves. What are some of the other political consequences of their right of self-determination? These are set forth in what is known as the Declaration on Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation Among States in Accordance with the Charter of the United Nations (1971). The government of Sri Lanka approved this Declaration in the United Nations General Assembly -- so I am not quoting here any provision of law that the GOSL has not already approved. And from the Declaration let me state what are the political alternatives that are open to the Tamil people, and they are set forth as follows: “[1] The establishment of a sovereign and independent State, [2] the free association or integration with an independent State, or [3] the emergence into any other political status freely determined by a people constitute the modes of implementing the right of self-determination by that people.”

So again, it is not for the GOSL to determine what might be the ultimate political outcome here. It is for the Tamil people living on Sri Lanka to determine which of those three options they desire. I also want to make it clear that it is not for me to tell the Tamils on Sri Lanka which of these three options they should choose. Moreover, it is not for the Tamils of India to tell the Tamils on Sri Lanka which of these three options they should choose. This is for them to decide pursuant to their right of self-determination under international law and practice.

However I do want to note that historically the only way a people that has been subjected to genocide like the Tamils on Sri Lanka have been able to protect themselves from further extermination has been the creation of an independent state of their own. Indeed as the world saw for the last several months the government of Sri Lanka wantonly, openly, shamelessly, and gratuitously exterminated over 50,000 Tamils in Vanni; yet not one state in the entire world rose to protect them or defend them or help them as required by Article I of the 1948 Genocide Convention. Hence the need for the Tamils on Sri Lanka to have their own independent state in order to protect themselves from further annihilation by the GOSL. International law and practice establish that an independent state of their own is the only effective remedy as well as the only appropriate reparation for a people who have been the victims of genocide.

Now the Indian government has basically argued that if it were to recognize the right of the Tamils on Sri Lanka to self-determination and an independent state of their own, then the 60 million Tamils in Tamil Nadu would also assert that same right and proceed to secede from India. I submit this is a false dichotomy under international law and practice. It must not be used as an excuse for inaction by the government of India when it comes to protecting the Tamils living on Sri Lanka.

In this regard, let me return to the Declaration on Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation Among States that was approved by both India and Sri Lanka and sets forth rules of customary international law interpreting the terms of the United Nations Charter itself as determined by the International Court of Justice in the Nicaragua case (1986). In particular let me draw to your attention the following language: “Nothing in the foregoing paragraphs shall be construed as authorizing or encouraging any action which would dismember or impair, totally or in part, the territorial integrity or political unity of sovereign and independent States conducting themselves in compliance with the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples as described above and thus possessed of a government representing the whole people belonging to the territory without distinction as to race, creed or colour.”

This paragraph of the Declaration sets forth the rules of customary international law when it comes to the right of a people to secede from another state by means of exercising their right of self-determination. As you can see from the above language secession is permitted only when a government does not conduct itself “in compliance with the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples” and thus does not represent “the whole people belonging to the territory without distinction as to race, creed or colour.”

From its very foundation in 1948 the government of Ceylon/Sri Lanka has never conducted itself “in compliance with the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples” with respect to the Tamils. Furthermore, the government of Ceylon/Sri Lanka has never represented “the whole people belonging to the territory without distinction as to race, creed or colour” with respect to the Tamils. In fact the government of Ceylon/Sri Lanka has always discriminated against and persecuted the Tamils on grounds of race, creed, colour, and language. This endemic pattern of criminal behavior by the Sinhala has now culminated in wholesale acts of genocide against the Tamils being inflicted by the government of Sri Lanka. So of course the Tamils have the right to secede from Sri Lanka under international law and practice and especially under the terms of this Declaration.

Conversely, the government of India does conduct itself “in compliance with the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples” with respect to the Tamils in Tamil Nadu and is thus “possessed of a government representing the whole people belonging to the territory without distinction as to race, creed or colour.” India just had elections where the Tamils in Tamil Nadu participated on a basis of full equality with everyone else. The Tamils in India have full legal equality with all other peoples in India and indeed have their own state here in Tamil Nadu. Therefore in my opinion, the 60 million Tamils in Tamil Nadu do not have a right of secession under international law and practice according to this Declaration, which sets forth the basic rules of customary international law on this subject.

Conversely, however, the Tamils living on Sri Lanka do have a right of secession under international law and practice including this Declaration for which both India and Sri Lanka voted. So with all due respect to the position of the Indian government, it is a false dichotomy for it to assert that recognition of the right of self-determination with an independent state of their own for the Tamils living on Sri Lanka would lead to the same for the Tamils in Tamil Nadu. There is no basis in international law for this conclusion. Indeed, basic principles of international law including this Declaration would fully support the territorial integrity of India in the event the government of India were to recognize the right of the Tamils living on the Island of Sri Lanka to self-determination including an independent state of their own.

Conclusion

Be that as it may, even if out of an excess of caution the government of India is not prepared to go that far at this time, nevertheless at a minimum, since it is the original homeland for the Tamils, the government of India has the right, the obligation, and the standing under international law and practice to act as parens patriae for the Tamils living on Sri Lanka. Therefore, India must immediately sue the GOSL for genocide at the International Court of Justice in The Hague, demand an Emergency Hearing of the Court, and request that the World Court issue a Temporary Restraining Order against the GOSL to cease and desist from committing all acts of genocide against the Tamils living on Sri Lanka. The ghosts of Dachau, Auschwitz, Cambodia, Sabra and Shatilla, Srebrenica, Rwanda, Kosovo, and now Vanni demand no less!

External Links:
ToI: 'Don't oppose Tamils' demand for statehood'