complicit லேபிளுடன் இடுகைகளைக் காண்பிக்கிறது. அனைத்து இடுகைகளையும் காண்பி
complicit லேபிளுடன் இடுகைகளைக் காண்பிக்கிறது. அனைத்து இடுகைகளையும் காண்பி

ஞாயிறு, 5 மே, 2013

‌International aid complicit in Colombo’s structural genocide of Eezham Tamils

‌International aid complicit in Colombo’s structural genocide of Eezham Tamils

[TamilNet, Saturday, 04 May 2013, 21:22 GMT]
The occupying Sri Lankan State has stepped up Sinhala colonization in the cultivation areas that lie between Nedungkea’ni and Ma’nalaa’ru in Mullaiththeevu district. Thousands of acres of cultivation lands, belonging to resettled Tamil people in Karai-thu’raip-pattu division, lie in the area, where the occupying SL military has been blocking access to the owners of the land to even visit their lands. But at the same time in recent days, hundreds of workers have arrived from the Sinhala South and electricity supplies are being put up to accelerate the extension of Sinhala colonization of the area, Tamil civil officials in Mullaiththeevu told TamilNet. The international aid providers not stopping the process are openly in complicity with the structural genocide of Eezham Tamils, the officials further said.
Struggle against such a structural genocide and international deception have to be primarily and face to face addressed against the principal abettors of Colombo in this regard, i.e., India, the US-West run monetary organizations and the designers of the LLRC-based resolution at Geneva that provides time and space for Colombo. But the direct struggle is still not forthcoming especially from Eezham Tamils in the diaspora, activists in Vanni said.

After seeing the US-designed, Indian fine-tuned Geneva resolution of 2013, and after listening to the latest approach of the Indian Secretary General of the Commonwealth, Kamalesh Sharma, we do not think that Colombo is just ‘misusing’ the aid, but the aid is specifically intended by the international donors for the structural genocide, the activists further said.

The Ma’nalaa’ru scheme of the Sinhala State ultimately aims at demographically and permanently delinking the contiguity of the country of Eezham Tamils in the North and East of the island.
Location of Ma'nalaa'ru
The location of the newly Sinhalicised division in the Mullaiththeevu district that will be wedging North and East, created after erasing out traditional Tamil villages and renaming it from Ma'nalaa'ru in Tamil to Weli-Oya in Sinhala. [Satellite image courtesy: Google Earth. Legend by TamilNet]

Ma'nalaa'ru
The region of traditional territory of the nation of Eezham Tamils ‘officially’ Sinhalicised by genocidal Colombo with and aim of wedging North and East.
Kokku'laay
The location of Kokku'laay village and lagoon. [Satellite map courtesy: Google Earth]
Mahaweli L Scheme
The Sinhala colonisation planned by Colombo in pre-militant times, revised from time to time and now implemented in acceleration. [Image courtesy: Action Plan 1991 by MASL]
500 million rupees, allocated for the construction of educational institutions, especially secondary schools, in the Northern province for the next five years, have been completely diverted to the establishment of modern schools for the Sinhala occupants of the country of Eezham Tamils, education ministry officials in the North said.

The SL State is also deploying the aid programmes announced by India and other countries in addition to channeling the assistance by World Food Programme (WFP) and Asian Development Bank (ADB) into the structural genocide being committed on the nation of Eezham Tamils.

The assistance provided by foreign countries to provide electricity to the interior areas of the North where war-affected people are resettling, is diverted to Sinhala colonization scheme.

Ma’nalaa’ru region in Vanni, bordering Vavuniyaa, Trincomalee and Anuradhapura districts has already been demographically Sinhalicised by Colombo, changing the Tamil name into Sinhala as ‘Welioya’.

Carpet roads have been put up and modern schools have been built and hi-tech electricity units for power supply targeting agricultural cum industrial development such as the establishment of modern farms, inviting more Sinhalese from South for the systematic occupation project.

The occupation, which took a new form in 1984 under the so-called Mahaweli ‘Development’ Porgramme’s L Scheme, funded and abetted by foreign countries, later remained restricted due to the armed power of the Eezham Tamils till 2009.

In 2011, the ‘Welioya’ Divisional Secretariat, which had been earlier annexed with Anuradhapura district during the times of the war, was brought under the Mullaiththeevu District to make the expansion easier and to divert the foreign funds provided through Colombo for the ‘reconstruction and development’ of the war-affected Tamils, into the occupation scheme.

A section of the housing-scheme under the Indian assistance programme intended for the uprooted people in the North and East, is being channeled into the occupation zone, which is being created from seizing cultivation lands from the resettled Tamils.

A section of tractors and bicycles provided by India and intended for distribution among the war-affected people in the North and East, were also diverted to the new Sinhala settlers in the colonization project of the occupying Sinhala State in Ma’nalaa’ru.

While the uprooted people in Mullaiththeevu district are not provided proper housing assistance by the SL State, a housing scheme has been set up by Colombo through Anuradhapura district for implementation in Welioya, which comes under Mullaiththeevu district.

In the meantime, the Sinhala settlers in these new houses in ‘Welioya’ are being provided dry rations from the World Food Programme (WFP) assistance, which is channeled through Mullaiththeevu District Secretariat.

On April 20, SL President Mahinda Rajapaksa visited the occupied and colonized Ma’nalaa’ru region and handed over land deeds to 3,000 Sinhala occupants at an event held at Sampathnuwara (meaning ‘town of wealth’ in Sinhala) school auditorium. The recipients were the occupiers of Janakapura, Gajabhapura (both Sinhalicised names), Naayaa’ru and Kokku’laay.

The uprooted Eezham Tamils, who have struggled to settle down in their villages of Karai-thu’raippattu division in Mullaiththeevu district, have been complaining that their lands, to which the occupying SL military is still denying access, are being distributed to new Sinhala settlers.

Now, the Colombo government, through its military and colonial governor of North, is appropriating the cultivation lands of Tamils and distributes them to the Sinhala settlers.

Eezham Tamil owners of 2,408 acres of lands in the occupied area have repeatedly complained against the seizure of their cultivable lands.
The extent of the cultivation lands together with the names of the Tamil owners have been detailed in an appeal sent to various officials through the divisional secretary of Karai-thu'raip-pattu and the SL Government Agent of Mullaiththeevu district (See the PDF document).

* * *
Karaithu'raippattu division in the Mullaiththeevu district of the Northern Province, Padavi Sri Pura and Kuchchave'li divisions in the Trincomalee district of the Eastern Province and Padavia division of the North Central Province.
Mullaith-theevu constitutes almost 30 per cent of the total landmass of the Northern Province and is the largest district in the province and is followed by Mannaar (23%), Vavuniyaa (22%), Ki’linochchi (13%) and Jaffna (10%).

Mullaith-theevu district also has largest inland water (39%) in the entire province, followed by Jaffna district (38%), Ki’linochchi (17%) and Mannaar (4%).

According to the last census of 1981, there were only 3,948 Sinhalese in Mullaiththeevu district.

The appeal sent by the uprooted Tamils in Karai-thu’raip-pattu in January this year details the following lands:

464 acres in Eringcha-kaadu (Chakalaaththu-ve'li), 250 acres in Akkarai-ve'li, 217 acres in Uththaraayan-ku'lam, 198 acres in Naay-adiththa-mu'rippu-ve'li (Karunaadduk-kea'ni), 140 acres in Akkarai-ve'li, periya-ve'li, panichcha-moaddai and Ka'n'naaddi, 136 acres in Naayadichcha-mu'rippu, 120 acres in Poo-madu-ka'ndal, 112 acres in Maariyaa-munai (Kokku'laay), 96 acres in Aamaiyan-ku'lam, 86 acres in Ve'l'laik-kalladi and Chivanthaa-mu'rippu, 73 acres in Nochchi-moaddai-ka'ndal-ve'li, 60 acres in Adaiyak-ka'ruththaan, 57 acres in Thaddaa-malai, 54 acres in Adaiyakka'ruththaan-ve'li, 44 acres in Va'n'naa-vayal, 44 acres in Uththaraayan-ku'la-ve'li, 40 acres in Veappangku'lam, 27 acres in Padu-kaadduk-ku'lam, 26 acres in Kedda-ka'nda-ku'lam, 24 acres in Aamaiyan-ku'la-ve'li, 16 acres in Erintha-kaadu-ve'li and 12 acres Kugnchukkaal-veli.
Ma'nalaa'ru division
The Mullaith-theevu district and the newly created Sinhala division that will be wedging the North from the East


Chronology:

ஞாயிறு, 13 ஜனவரி, 2013

Nambiar, India's proxy in UN, complicit in white flag killings?

Nambiar, India's proxy in UN, complicit in white flag killings?

[TamilNet, Saturday, 12 January 2013, 23:55 GMT]
While the International Community which, blinded by the 9/11 terror, architected the annihilation of Tamils' primary safeguard, the LTTE, is left to savor the resulting horror state and the autocratic dystopia in Sri Lanka, Rights groups have accused the U.N. of being derelict in its duty to protect civilian lives. Vijay Nambiar, the Chef de Cabinet, who was a key official in shaping UN's Sri Lanka policy, is also accused of complicity in the "Whiteflag" incident where several surrendees were executed by the Sri Lanka military after being given assurances of safety by International actors. Nepotism and family connections between Ban Ki Moon and Nambiar, with personal links to India and Colombo, may also have contributed to the U.N.'s unwillingness to stop the Mu'l'livaaykkaal massacre, observers say.

Vijay Nambiar previously served as Deputy National Security Advisor to the Government of India and Head of the National Security Council Secretariat. Earlier he served as Ambassador of India in Pakistan, China, Malaysia, Afghanistan, and Algeria.

Nambiar's brother, Satish Nambiar, was a defense advisor to Colombo during the period when the adversaries were involved in the early phases of negotiating a ceasefire. Satish Nambiar served in the Indian Army as Lieutenant General during Indo-Pakistan wars of 1965 and 1971, and achieved international recognition as the first Force Commander and Head of Mission of UNPROFOR, the United Nations Protection Force in the former Yugoslavia.

Besides Yukio Takasu and John Holmes, Vijay Nambiar is widely seen as the key third U.N. policy maker who guided the U.N. actions implemented on Sri Lanka's battle ground that brought humanitarian disaster to Eezham Tamils, Tamil activists say. India and China's pressure on the UN Secretary General's contributed to Ban's reticence in taking action against Sri Lanka, France's Ambassador, Gerard Araud, was to say later.

"The U.N. Secretary General is not an agent of the Security Council. Rather the Secretariat is one of 6 Independent Organs of the UNO," says Prof Boyle, an expert in international law, noting a recent interview where Nambiar wrongly said "United Nations works according to the mandates laid out by the Security Council or the General Assembly."

Observers say, however, that Nambiar's mind reflected a tendency to assume a passive posture, and to hide behind the authority of the Security Council, in his reckless disregard to the lives of Tamil civilians, even while admitting that "in between those [U.N.'s] mandates there is a lot the UN Secretariat can do pro-actively, and that is the biggest challenge."

Nambiar's "silent diplomacy" undertaking a visit to Sri Lanka during the fateful last months of the war, his alleged complicity in the involvement of the whiteflag incident, and his refusal to brief the UN Security Council nor to provide a media briefing evoked controversy, reports from the U.N. journalists say.

UN's Petrie report on UN's inaction during the last stages of the war, documents Holmes and Nambiar jointly pressuring Navi Pillay of UNHCR to desist from publishing estimated casualty figures that would put UN in to a “difficult terrain."

When asked why the report had sections blacked out, and there is no mention of Ban's envoy Vijay Nambiar and his role in the so-called White Flag Killings of surrenders Tamil Tiger leaders, UN spokesperson declined to respond, according to ICP.

Petrie Report said "an estimated 360,000 or more civilians were crowded into an ever smaller part of ‘the Wanni’ area of Northern Sri Lanka where many died as a result of sustained artillery shelling, illness and starvation. Almost 280,000 survivors were forcibly interned in military-run camps outside," implying more than 80,000 civilians may have been killed in the Mu'l'livaaykkaal massacre.

Nambiar UN conduct on Sri Lanka, IDPs and War
Key Thematic Nambiar factors Video, News Report Links [Start Time] Key Points
Background: UN's view set by Takasi, Nambiar's mindset and Tamils view of the conflict 1. ICP video on UN inaction on Sri Lanka

2. ICP Video: UN's inaction
3. Audio: BBC Newshour with TAG
4. Nambiar talks on UN power in the last part
The inaction of the UN, primarily the Secretary General and his Chef de Cabinet from 2007 to 2012, Vijay Nambiar are shown in the videos.
- While Vijay Nambiar praises the flexibility and freedom that UN bureaucrats have over national bureaucrats (of States) and that UN Officials who have been imaginative, have been able to initiate a lot of action, Nambiar is faulted for not being proactive in preventing human catastrophe in Mu'l'livaikkaal, and being reluctant to have his ideas, actions critically scrutinized.
- Nambiar is accused of ignoring the perception of conflict of interest while acting as chief envoy to Ban Ki Moon on Sri Lanka conflict due to the biased stand of India against Tamils (LTTE), and personal interest in his brother's close nexus with Colombo ruling family.
- Nambiar has also been accused of (a) working behind the scenes to sanitize UN Panel report and Petrie Report, (b) working closely with Palitha Kohona, and (c) complicity in surrendee killings the factual details Nambiar was hesitant to reveal.
Nambiar's conduct during final phases, reluctance to face critical review of conduct 1. ICP Video on Civilian Deaths
2. ICP: Bloodbath briefing
3. ICP: Nambiar's confidential trip
4. ICP: Nambiar meets Sri Lanka AG
5. ICP: Nambiar's quiet diplomacy
6. ICP: Nambiar keeps UN waiting
Nambiar's important visit to the conflict zone occurred around 16th April 2009.
- Many in Ban's inner circle wondered if it is wise to send an Indian for the job, given India's large Tamil population and response to the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi.
- Nambiar's ties with the Chinese, is what has made Sri Lanka feel comfortable. Nambiar was India's ambassador to China, and speaks fluent Chinese.
- 21 April 2009 Nambiar left Sri Lanka after Mahinda Rajapakse rebuffed a request for any pause in the military assault, and reportedly told Nambiar not to attempt any contact with the LTTE.
- HRW says military commanders haven't been told clearly enough they may be held accountable for war crimes.
- April 21: Even after China and Russia, agreeing to an "informal interactive dialogue" with Mr. Nambiar. Nambiar views the matter as "too sensitive" even for discussion behind closed doors.
- Nambiar argued that as a "mediator," what he discussed with Sri Lanka's president Mahinda Rajapaksa and his brothers was "confidential," even from the Security Council.
- Later Nambiar continues to actively participate in selecting and managing UN Panel report release and the Petrie report.
Panel report, collaboration with Kohona despite perceived conflict of interest 1. UN Whiteflag questions Video

2. Nambiar and Kohona
3. Nambiar describes whiteflag killings
4. Nambiar's conflict of interest
UN's panel on accountability for war crimes is being put together by Nambiar, with his already controversial role in the final stage of the "bloodbath on the beach" and Sri Lanka's Palitha Kohona.
- UN Special Rapporteur on Summary Execution Philip Alston submits questions to Sri Lankan government on white-flag incident, but not to the UN where Nambiar himself is at least a witness. Why is Nambiar putting together the panel on accountability?
- Panel's reports, troublingly, does not disclose the involvement of Nambiar in the whiteflag incident, instead refers to a UN intermediary.
- 12 April 2011: ICP asks if Nambiar, given his role as described in the ICC filing, will be recused from Ban's decision making on what to do with the Sri Lanka report.
Complicity in White-flag killings 1. Video: Kohona denies whiteflag killings
2. Nambiar's Al Jazeera interview on whiteflag killings
3. ICC filings Nambiar as co-conspirator
4. Whiteflag murders
5. Alston questions whiteflag murders
6. ICP: Nambiar on whiteflag after Colvin's death
- Nambiar's role in Sri Lanka became more controversial as 2009 progressed, including him telling surrendering LTTE leaders that if they came out with a white flag they would be fine. They were, in fact, shot and killed -- at the order of the Rajapaksas, according to imprisoned General Sarath Fonseka.
- At one point in the ICP video Kohona spontaneously says Nambiar was at a reception while the surrendee discussion was taking place. Then Kohona appears to realize that his recollection was too good [and that he unwittingly exposed that he knew exactly what was happening when the killings were taking place], and claims that his memory is not very good. Claiming that he has no memory is a standard ruse to avoid criminal knowledge.
Communication with (now deceased) Marie Colvin before surrender agreement reveal Nambiar was not taking a proactive role to be present at the site of surrender because was at a reception (celebrating?)
- Nambiar says he was assured they would be treated like normal prisoners of war by Mahinda Rajapaksa, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, and Palitha Kohona, currently Sri Lanka's Permanent Representative to the UN.
- May 25 2009: Mr. Nambiar's belated defense is that they may have been killed in crossfire or by the Tamil Tigers
- May 28, Mr. Kohona tells ICP he never provided such assurance. This account differs from what Nambiar told Al Jazeera
- Nambiar is named as possible co-conspirator in a war-crimes filing with the ICC by two Tamil groups. “a basis to question whether Vijay Nambiar was in fact an innocent neutral intermediary or in fact a co-perpetrator within the negotiation related community
- UN is mute to admission by Sarath Fonseka of orders by Gotabhaya Rajapaksa to kill those who sought to surrender
- Mahinda Rajapaksa is named by the New Yorker as having personally approved the Nambiar negotiated surrenders which ended in death.
Nambiar and Petrie Report
1. ICP: Petrie-blacked out, Nambiar absence
2. Petrie Report
- Petrie report documents Holmes and Nambiar jointly pressuring Navi Pillay of UNHCR to desist from publishing estimated casualty figures that would put UN in to a “difficult terrain."
- Petrie report estimated that more than 80,000 civilians may have been killed in the Mu'l'livaaykkaal massacre.
Convergence of policy and beneficial family connections of India, Ban Ki Moon, Nambiar (Vijay, Satish)
1. Colombo media on Moon, Nambiar, India nexus
2. Bogollagama requests Nambiar's favor
3. Satish Nambiar's involvement in Sri Lanka
While nepotism in highlevel appointments to Indian-born ex-Army officer Siddarth Chatterjee who is Ban Ki Moon's son-in-law, Colombo papers speculated that India may also applying pressure on anti-Tamil struggle posture on SG through his son-in-law.
2. Nambiar nepotism followup: On March 5, ICP revealed that Sri Lanka's foreign minister wrote to Nambiar, seeking a job for his own son with the UN Secretariat, indicating close nexus between Colombo and Nambiar.
3. Brother of Vijay Nambiar was a paid defense consultant to Colombo during the early phases of the CeaseFire advising Colombo on LTTE's long-range capabilities.
4. As an Indian bureaucrat who held ambassadorial post to China, Nambiar cannot be impartial to India's anti-Tamil stand in the historical enmity to the LTTE after the Rajiv Ghandi assassination.
Source: UN video archives, Wikileaks, ICP Reports



Chronology:


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External Links:
Inner City Press: UN Report on Sri Lanka Has Portions Blacked Out, No Nambiar, More Spin?
ICP: On Sri Lanka War Crimes, UN's Ban to Name Panel to Advise Only Him, No Pascoe, Nambiar Nepotism Follow Up
RW: Jan 2013: Interview with Vijay Nambiar, Secretary-General’s Special Adviser on Myanmar
ICP: On Sri Lanka at UN, Nambiar Said to Back Down to UK, Bloodbath Briefings
ICP: For UN's Sri Lanka Panel, Nambiar Meets with Kohona, "Two Foxes," Sources Say
ICP: UN's Nambiar Resists Briefing the Council on His "Confidential" Trip
ICP: At UN, Ban & Nambiar Meet Sri Lanka AG & General Silva, Despite Denials
ICP: Nambiar Partially Describes White Flag Killings
ICP: On Sri Lanka White Flag Murders, Nambiar Raised by Magazine, Dodged by UN
ICP: Sri Lanka War Crimes Filing with ICC Names UN Nambiar
ICP: On Sri Lankan Killings, As Alston Asks Rajapaksas, Why Not UN's Nambiar?
ICP: UN Sends Nambiar to Sri Lanka, Quiet Diplomacy
ICP: At UN, As Ban Gets Sri Lanka Report, Nambiar Conflict Called "Specious"
ICP: Sri Lanka's Kohona Denies Assuring UN's Nambiar
ICP: On Murders after Surrender, UN's Nambiar Muses on Crossfire
ICP: On Sri Lanka, UN Council "Waits for Nambiar"
ICP: At UN Screening on Sri Lanka Murders, Kohona Tells Press to Ask Nambiar, Silva Says It Was 53rd Div - Lies Agreed On